Il comunicato del 32 County Sovereignty Movement, in cui il movimento repubblicano sprona gli irlandesi ad ottenere quanto scritto nella Proclamazione di indipendenza letta sui gradini del GPO di Dublino
2014 bore witness to an unprecedented expression of Irish sovereignty exercised by a people demanding fundamental change. The mass mobilisation of people, on repeated occasions throughout Ireland, was testament to the revolutionary fact that these demonstrations were not merely protests against the status quo but rather an unstoppable advocacy for a new and sovereign Ireland.
All the old formulas are now redundant and stand indicted of abject failure. Chief amongst these is partition itself. The failure of partition is so complete as to render arguments and protests against the legitimacy of its provenance as academic.
Both statelets are in default of Emmet’s epitaph. Both statelets are injurious to the ideals of the 1916 Proclamation. And both statelets have demonstrated, consistently, that our people’s well being is subordinate to sectarian considerations and the interests of financial elites. Their own actions have de-legitimised them as Parliaments worthy of the allegiance of the people.
Stormont has demonstrated that the level of agreement that can be reached between its participants is in accordance with how much Westminster is prepared to pay for it.
Leinster House has demonstrated that no price is too high to ensure that those who bankrupted the State, and their political facilitators, are financially secured through the labour of the people.
Both the Good Friday Agreement and the Bank Bailout Arrangement has entrusted political governance on the island to institutions that are politically and economically controlled by outside financial interests.
The issue of Water Taxes has exposed the nefarious nature of this arrangement with an overwhelming dynamic of simplicity. That such a basic human right would be exploited to pay off a debt not of our making, and a national resource ultimately sold off for private profiteering, has proved a step too far. The issue of sovereignty is now to the fore of national politics.
For republicans this coming year must see us rehabilitating our ideals and strategies with a language which is both relevant and constructive to this real mood for change.
The 32 County Sovereignty Movement views the Centenary of 1916 as an unprecedented focal point for republicans to offer guidance so that maximum political and constitutional change can be realised.
This requires two essential components; republicans must work together, as the lesson of Easter Week has taught us, and we must make these combined endeavours work in tandem with those already mobilised. Our leadership must be as decisive as the clarity of our message.
Our message reiterates the Irish people’s right to national sovereignty, to sovereignty over our national territory, our natural resources, over the fruits of our people’s labour and to the collective wisdom of their vote.
Before the United Nations sits two documents; one makes the case for the continuance of British Parliamentary activity in Ireland the other makes the case for Irish National Sovereignty. The former has yet to yield a credible physical or intellectual argument as to why an Irish person should not fight for their freedom. The latter contains the resolution as to why they have always done so.
This movement for change is not confined to Ireland. The recent Scottish referendum on independence and the growing trend of English nationalism is proof positive that a new political dispensation is on the cusp.
British Imperialism, like its EU financial counterpart has failed. The legacy of this imperialism in Ireland is armed conflict and enforced debt. To those in Scotland, England and Wales demanding national autonomy for their respective countries we have called upon them to extend those demands to Ireland.
Irish republicans are keen to establish a new democratic relationship between the countries of these islands but this can only be based on a mutual recognition of our respective sovereignty.
2015 must see an end to confusion in republican thinking. Absurd claims and counter claims concerning Irish unity by certain dates or in certain formats fails to grasp the core message of Pearse and Connolly. Irish unity may well be generations away but Irish sovereignty is close to hand. And only on the attainment of our sovereignty can the process of Irish unity begin.